The Past is Prologue and Casts a Long Shadow
In William Shakespeare’s play The Tempest (ca. 1610-11), the famous
playwright coined an expression that English speakers still are fond of quoting
four centuries later. In this drama, a would-be assassin named Antonio
insisted, “what’s past is prologue.”[1]
Antonio’s intention was to justify his and Sebastian’s desire to slay king
Alonso by insisting that all of the events of the past had brought them to the
present moment. This chain of events, according to Antonio, had provided them
with an opportunity to act on their murderous urges. In the twenty-first
century, this expression has come to mean former events strongly shape and
influence the present.[2]
Long after incidents supposedly fade into the shadows of history, they continue
to exert an influence on contemporary people’s thoughts and actions. Nowhere is
this principle truer than the sphere of ethnic relations.
The introduction of
slavery to the colonies that one day would become the United States led to a clash
of people groups that would shape the future country in countless ways. Due in
large part to the Virginian colonists’ fondness for growing tobacco, and their
perception that too few Europeans resided in the so-called New World to sustain
the burgeoning enterprise, they began to import slaves in 1619 to perform the
backbreaking work of plantation life.[3]
This decision created a new set of challenges that continues to influence
present relations.
Potential
African-European marriages of the seventeenth century faced an almost
insurmountable obstacle. Intimate
associations between the two ethnic groups threatened the perpetuation of
slavery, so the colonies fought vociferously against this threat to the status
quo. Concern also arose concerning whether the children of multiethnic
marriages should be slaves or free. Virginian lawmakers addressed this matter
on December 14, 1662:
Whereas some doubts have arrisen
[sic] whether children got by any Englishman upon a negro woman should be slave
or ffree [sic], Be it therefore enacted and declared by this present grand
assembly, that all children borne [sic] in this country shalbe [sic] held bond
or free only according to the condition of the mother, And that if any
christian shall committ [sic] ffornication [sic] with a negro man or woman, hee
[sic] or shee [sic] soe [sic] offending shall pay double the ffines [sic]
imposed by this former act.[4]
Historians recognize this
legislative edict as the “first law prohibiting intermarriages” in the British
colonies.[5]
Other colonies soon followed Virginia’s lead, developing their own restrictive
policies regarding intermarriage.[6]
What
began as a method to maintain an optimal number of slaves transformed into
something more insidious. In large part, colonists ultimately divided their
society along racial lines. Granted, “wide variance in . . . attitudes”[7]
toward intermarriage existed in the earliest days of the British colonies. As
time passed, however, each governing body gradually developed a general
distaste for any intermingling between Anglos and African descendants. By 1725,
colonial law had developed into a mechanism for preserving Anglo racial purity
that did not dissolve entirely until Loving
v. Virginia legalized multiethnic marriages in 1967.
Although
the Civil War (1861-1865) resulted in the liberation of the slaves, relations
between African Americans and Anglos did not improve. The Reconstruction Era
(1865-1877) saw initial gains for African Americans in the realms of political
representation at the state and federal level, as well as voting rights. These
advances did not continue for long, however, because during this period “both
whiteness and blackness had to be renegotiated and reconstructed, since slavery
was no longer a yardstick.”[8]
The
disintegration of Reconstruction principles, along with the rise of Jim Crow
laws in the 1890s, proved to be a dangerous mix. The early 1900s “marked a
venomous turn in relations between blacks and whites.”[9]
These hostilities came to a head during what scholars refer to as “The Red
Summer” of 1919. From June to December of that year, at least twenty race riots
erupted throughout the United States.[10]
A
generation later, in large part due to the tireless efforts of African
Americans to draw attention to their plight, President Lyndon Johnson signed the
Civil Rights Act on July 2, 1964. The new legislation guaranteed African
Americans equal opportunities, but unfortunately did not change people’s
hearts. Like ripples on a pond, the troubled race relations of the past
continue to affect present interactions, and this environment presents
challenges for reconciliation. This is one of the reasons why we study history,
understand the dynamics that historical events and attitudes have shaped, and
work to continue the worthy goal of reconciliation today. The past is prologue,
but present relations are our responsibility.
[1] William Shakespeare, The Tempest (Mineola, NY: Dover Thrift
Editions, 1999), 27.
[2] E.g., Williamson Murray and
Richard Hart Sinnreich, The Past as
Prologue: The Importance of History to the Military Profession (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2006).
[3]Walter Wadlington, “The Loving
Case: Virginia’s Anti-Miscegenation Statute in Historical Perspective,” Virginia Law Review 52.7 (November
1966): 1191.
[4]William Waller Hening, Statutes at Large of Virginia, vol. 2,
http://vagenweb.org/hening/vol02-09.htm#bottom (accessed January 11, 2018).
[5]James Hugo Johnston, Race Relations in Virginia &
Miscegenation in the South: 1776-1860, with a foreword by Winthrop Jordan (Amherst, MA: University of
Massachusetts Press, 1970), 166.
[6] Examples include Maryland,
Massachusetts, North Carolina, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. See William Hand
Browne, ed., Archives of Maryland:
Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly of Maryland: January 1637/8-September
1664 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1883), 533-34; Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of
the Province of the Massachusetts Bay: To Which are Prefixed the Characters of
the Province with Historical and Explanatory Notes, and an Appendix, vol.
1, 1692-1714 (Boston: Wright &
Potter, 1869), 578; William L. Saunders, ed., Colonial Records of North Carolina, vol. 2, 1713-1728 (Raleigh, NC: Josephus Daniels, 1886), 212; Laws of the State of Delaware, from the
Fourteenth Day of October, One Thousand Seven Hundred, to the Eighteenth Day of
August, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety Seven, vol. 1 (New Castle,
DE: Samuel and John Adams, 1797), 108-9; James T. Mitchell and Henry Flanders, Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania from
1862-1801, vol. 4, 1725-1744
(Harrisburg, PA: C. E. Aughinbaugh Publishers, 1801): 62-63.
[7]Gary B. Mills, “Miscegenation and
the Free Negro in Antebellum ‘Anglo’ Alabama: A Reexamination of Southern Race
Relations,” Journal of American History
68.1 (June 1981): 18.
[8] Julie Novkov, “Racial
Constructions: The Legal Regulation of Miscegenation in Alabama, 1890-1934,” Law and History Review 20.2 (Summer
2002): 227.
[9] Douglas A. Blackmon, Slavery by Another
Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II (New York: Anchor, 2008), 305.
[10] O. A. Rogers Jr., “The Elaine Race
Riots,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly
19.2 (Summer 1960): 142.
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